Foreign Service Officer Test Exam Dumps

FSOT Exam Format | Course Contents | Course Outline | Exam Syllabus | Exam Objectives

The Foreign Service Act of 1980 tasks the U.S. Department of State and the Board of Examiners (BEX) specifically with responsibility for the evaluation and selection of candidates for the Foreign Service.
The Department takes this charge seriously and has devoted significant resources to the development of a Foreign Service Officer Selection Process with the goal of providing all candidates, regardless of socioeconomic background, education, or experience, a chance to demonstrate their potential to be a Foreign Service Officer.
Candidates who participate in the selection process will find that it is designed to challenge them and to give them the opportunity to demonstrate qualities that have been identified as necessary to become a successful Foreign Service Officer. Thus, the Board of Examiners stands by the validity and integrity of the assessment process as being a fair and accurate selection method for Foreign Service Officers. Indeed, it is vital to the U.S. Department of States mission and purpose.
To ensure no bias in favor of any candidate, the Board of Examiners periodically revises its testing materials. It also asks all candidates to sign nondisclosure agreements before beginning portions of the assessment, and has implemented other safeguards. Please note that BEX will terminate the candidacy of anyone found to have violated the nondisclosure agreement. The Foreign Service is a unique career and, perhaps unsurprisingly, the selection process is also unique. The Foreign Service selection process, including the Foreign Service Officer Test (FSOT), the Qualifications Evaluation Panel (QEP), and the Foreign Service Oral Assessment (FSOA), is an employment selection tool used by the Department of State to identify the most qualified candidates for Foreign Service positions.

In other words, it is a hiring process. Therefore, the nature and purpose of this assessment process are different from those of educational testing. In education, assessment focuses on mastery testing and the goal is to determine if the student possesses sufficient knowledge or skill to pass a course or to practice a profession. The assessments are usually comprehensive, covering the entire body of required knowledge or skill. The scores verify current competence and command of a definite skill set. Such assessments are often accompanied by extensive feedback, and possibly remedial training and reassessment, with the ultimate objective of passing. Education assessments are not a competition; the objective is for everyone to pass. In employment selection, the goal is to determine which candidates are the most qualified because an organization wants to hire the best. Employment assessments only sample a job-related body of knowledge or skills because assessment time is limited. The scores are used as predictors of prospective job performance, rather than indicators of current competence. Thus, tests like those used in the Foreign Service Officer selection process are not accompanied by extensive feedback or remedial training because they are not meant to measure an entire body of knowledge or skills. Moreover, the organizations hiring process is meant to be highly selective given the limited number of openings available.

The Foreign Service Officer Test (FSOT) is the first of eight steps in the FSO selection process. It is a computer-based test that consists of four separate test sections:
1. Job Knowledge Test
2. Situational Judgment Test
3. English Expression Test
4. Written Essay Test
The first three sections of the test contain items in a multiple-choice format. The Written Essay appears in the last section of the FSOT. Each section of the test is timed separately and must be completed within the designated time limit.
This Guide provides sample questions for each component of the FSOT to give candidates a general idea of the type of questions they will encounter in the test.
Although the Written Essay section is an important aspect of the test that is used to determine a candidates qualifications, it will not be scored unless the candidate passes the Job Knowledge, Situational Judgment Test, and English Expression sections of the test.

Success on the FSOT involves much more than studying for a test. The FSOT assesses knowledge and skills that the candidate has acquired from reading widely from many different sources, study or course work in a number of related fields, and other career or life experiences.
In the development of the FSOT, a job analysis was conducted of the positions held by Foreign Service Officers to identify the knowledge and skills critical to success on the job. Then, a detailed test blueprint was created.
The test blueprint provides an outline of the required knowledge and skill areas and their relative importance to the job. The knowledge and skill areas covered on the FSOT are listed below.
- Correct grammar, organization, writing strategy, sentence structure, and punctuation required for writing or editing reports: This knowledge area encompasses English expression and language usage skills required for preparing or editing written reports, including correct grammar and good writing at the sentence and paragraph level.
- United States Government: This knowledge area encompasses a general understanding of the composition and functioning of the federal government, the Constitution and its history, the structure of Congress and its role in foreign affairs, as well as the United States political system and its role in governmental structure, formulation of government policies, and foreign affairs.
- United States History, Society, Customs, and Culture: This knowledge area encompasses an understanding of major events, institutions, and movements in national history, including political and economic history, as well as national customs and culture, social issues and trends, and the influence of U.S. society and culture on foreign policy and foreign affairs.

World History and Geography: This knowledge area encompasses a general understanding of significant world historical events, issues, and developments, including their impact on U.S. foreign policy, as well as knowledge of world geography and its relationship to U.S. foreign policy. - Economics: This knowledge area encompasses an understanding of basic economic principles, as well as a general understanding of economic issues and the economic system of the United States.
- Mathematics and Statistics: This knowledge area encompasses a general understanding of basic mathematical and statistical procedures. Items requiring calculations may be included.
- Management Principles, Psychology, and Human Behavior: This knowledge area encompasses a general understanding of basic management and supervisory techniques and methods. It includes knowledge of human psychology and behavior, leadership, motivational strategies, and equal employment practices.
- Communications: This knowledge area encompasses a general understanding of the principles of effective communication and publicspeaking techniques, as well as general knowledge of public media, media relations, and the goals and techniques of public diplomacy and their use to support work functions.
- Computers and the Internet: This knowledge area encompasses a general understanding of basic computer operations such as word processing, databases, spreadsheets, and using e-mail and the Internet.
Related Areas of Study
Success on the FSOT is not necessarily dependent on a specific course of study. However, the curriculum of the following college-level courses often helps to familiarize a candidate with the information assessed by the test. The names of the courses are general and may differ from institution to institution.
English Composition/Rhetoric
American History
American Studies (including cultural and social history)
American Political Thought
United States Political System
American Economic History
Introduction to Economics (micro and macro)
World History (Western and non-Western)
World Geography
International Economics
World Religions
Introduction to Statistics
Introduction to Management Principles
Intercultural Communication
Mass Communication
Psychology

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FSOT Officer information hunger

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George Ignatieff's harried lifestyles on the point of crisis

George Ignatieff's harried existence on the point of disaster

Terence Robertson

Third of a sequence: OUR MAN IN NATO

"There were moments," he confesses, “after I really bega o accept as true with the large one became about to damage.” here, in the course of the eyes of our NATO delegate, is a infrequent glimpse inner the council chambe of the "uneasy alliance" it really is conserving us-commonly uneasily-out of World battle III

FOR GEORGE IGNATIEFF, Canadian ambassador to NATO, the name that got here throughout a dinner party at his reliable dwelling right here changed into no shock. He had been brooding for a few days on the mounting evidence, in conversations with NATO colleagues and in cables from Ottawa, of a abruptly constructing disaster between the U.S. and Russia.

That afternoon at NATO headquarters there had been a chilling experience of an impending collision, of a showdown that could show to be the decisive test of power between the two strongest countries on the planet. different crises he remembered had been provoked through Soviet strikes in Europe; at concern this time changed into Soviet arming of Cuba with nuclear missiles.

Ignatieff took the call alone in his study. It proved to be a curt summons to an emergency meeting of the North Atlantic Council, optimum political authority in NATO. the U.S., he become informed, had issued its ultimatum to Russia, and the council would remain in session except the crisis was settled — a method or an extra.

He made his excuses to his spouse, Alison, and his visitors, assuring them that the company he needed to deal with changed into now not a pretext for sneaking off to a nightclub. Then, nevertheless in dinner jacket, he drove to NATO headquarters overlooking the Bois de Boulogne, on the decrease end of the huge tree-lined Avenue Maréchal Foch. He changed into met via contributors of his group of workers who accompanied him as he crossed through the secretary-well-known’s office, opened a aspect

door and entered the political nerve centre of NATO.

This was the disaster room, reserved for emergencies when NATO is positioned on the highest alert, when essentially a million men manning a five-thousand-mile entrance extending from Norway to the Iran-Iraq border are poised for fight.

The secretary-usual, a box officer representing the supreme allied commander, and other ambassadors were already there, linked with the aid of cell and teleprinter to armed forces headquarters close Vaucresson, outside Paris, and to member governments.

The Cuban missile crisis become fifteen minutes old. Washington had delivered its ultimatum to, Moscow; Moscow might again down, pull the nuclear trigger for all-out warfare, or attempt to scare the West through rolling its monolithic military across the entrance line into Western Europe.

F^r the subsequent eight days Ignatieff left the disaster room best at brief intervals for personal discussion with the aid of mobile with Ottawa from his workplace downstairs, for a change of clothes and a scorching meal, for occasional spells of sleep. For the rest of the time he sat in his shirtsleeves with different ambassadors, senior militia officers, and political staffs, receiving experiences of Soviet troop movements, evaluating their implications, assessing counsel streaming in from intelligence and diplomatic sources in the back of the ‘Iron Curtain, informing Ottawa of form’S (Supreme Headquarters, Allied Powers, Europe) hourly appreciations of Com-

munist intentions and of the measures required to verify them, and sometimes adjourning briefly with one or extra ambassadors for private value determinations of viable military action in Europe.

strangely, the annoying expectancy that gripped world capitals turned into no longer mirrored in the smokefilled atmosphere of the crisis room. There, the place Allied representatives come collectively from time to time of supreme stress in such conflicting conditions, the very intimacy of the room precludes friction and calms anxieties.

“that you may rarely arise to lecture a person or make a defiant statement of countrywide coverage in what amounts to an informal backroom conference among friends,” Ignatieff instructed me these days. “we are all there because our international locations are in hazard, and since we now have a basic job to do — protect them as top-quality we are able to.

“when you've got sat beside a person, no longer just for hours, but for days or now and again weeks, along with your toes up on the desk and jackets off, consuming innumerable cups of coffee, then parliamentary attitudes become relatively faraway and senseless. There’s more desirable tolerance of the different fellow’s difficulties during an emergency session in the crisis room than at another time.”

via that crucial October, 1962, the tall, expert fifty-two-12 months-historical Ignatieff changed into already a veteran of NATO crises, the longest and most unhealthy of which became the Berlin crisis which begun on the conclusion of 1961 and lasted for eight months. that time, he became known as from his home on Christmas Eve and well-nigh lived in the disaster room for the subsequent three weeks whereas the Soviet Union probed and tested the electricity and backbone of the Allies, and NATO spoke back with escalating drive.

“there have been moments after I basically begun to believe that the big one, the big war, turned into about to wreck,” he spoke of. “The Russians and East Germans closed the autobahns through East Germany, buzzed the air corridor to West Berlin, and threatened to shoot down industrial planes trying to make use of it. They hooked up bad troop actions on their aspect of the road, reinforcing the six-hundred-mile critical NATO entrance with armored divisions and rocket contraptions.

“They made a lot of noise, all of it irritated, and all of it certain to inspire us with the sure bet that this became their showdown with the West at long last. If

continued on web page 38

The plan: to make the Reds suppose we have been considering a look at various of strength

persevered from pape 15

we had gone off half-cocked the ensuing conflict would have been fought when they had been in a position, on their phrases. Yet we had to react as if we have been in a position, willing, even serious about a test of defense force energy.

“The Allied commander in Berlin become approved to reply in graduated levels because the pressures on his forces extended. He did so, brilliantly. while we waited, watched and listened within the disaster room, traffic to West Berlin become organized into convoys, given armored escorts, and punched through to the metropolis.”

“NATO armored columns deployed throughout the streets of West Berlin and lined up on our side of the Wall, their guns pointed at it, as if able to blast it down and crash through into Communist territory. Our combatants went as much as patrol the air corridors, buzzing the buzzers, difficult the Communists to open hearth. Our intelligence

led the Russians to agree with that NATO’s tactical nuclear missiles were aimed and armed, that the council was definitely in secret session with a finger on the nuclear trigger.

“The Russians gave up after three weeks. We had spoke back quite simply, but no longer without some can charge. One or two of our plane have been lacking (typically by using mishap), and the lives sacrificed were all American. We shouldn’t neglect that. i will’t.”

Crises like these make the NATO job probably the most vital and sensitive within the Canadian overseas provider. Of all the international danger spots in which Canada has undertaken obligations of its personal accord, or into which it has been thrust by way of hobbies, NATO is the most advanced, probably the most pregnant with international consequences.

as the permanent Canadian member of the NATO Council, Ignatieff has a share in the handle of half 1,000,000 troops, some 5 hundred warships drawn from eight navies, about 5 thousand plane, and an unlimited assortment of various nuclear missiles, which although referred to as tactical, might devastate Communist territory up to quite a number about four hundred miles.

If, regardless of all of the controls and East-West understandings, a future disaster should attain the essential point of a probable nuclear trade, Ignatieff would be Canada’s finger on the protection trap, immovable unless the cabinet in Ottawa ordered otherwise.

Contest for management

NATO is without delay a safeguard for Western civilization and a lance that deters outright Communist aggression. Yet because its fundamental function is the prevention of battle, and the essential Allies appear to be unable to agree on how this can be surest done, NATO is an uneasy alliance, stricken by adjustments, via resurgent and competitive nationalisms, and through jealousies which in another context may be regarded petty.

the twin emotions of satisfaction and prejudice rear up exceptionally in members of the family between France and the USA who had been quarreling on the question of NATO leadership for six years. This poses special complications for whoever can be Canadian ambassador to NATO because of his country’s historic connections with one and geographic connections with the other.

George Ignatieff, one of the most disaster-hardened diplomats within the alliance, having been our man at NATO for the remaining 4 years, treads this floor confidently. he's as normal on the Quai d’Orsay (the French foreign workplace) as he is respected by using the American delegation to NATO. He now and again finds himself in the unenviable place of getting to interpret the causes of 1 to the other, “and as they are nevertheless fairly some distance apart I don’t appear to have had an awful lot success.”

probably the most causes of the FrancoAmerican split is France’s resolution to build its own nuclear deterrent force — its now famous drive de frappe.

This tends to have a disruptive effect on allied strategic planning.

“Our complete goal here is to keep away from battle,” Ignatieff talked about. “we now have Anglo-American strategic deterrent forces to guard our development in the accepted field. in terms of East-West steadiness we're in decent shape. The issue is to give protection to the steadiness of nuclear terror against unintentional upsets. We do that via a number of forms of manage. First, despite the fact we now have nuclear missiles, their warheads are in American custody. NATO nations can't fire any form of nuclear weapon except the warhead has been released by using resolution of the White house.

“one more form of handle is the tacit realizing between the Soviet Union and the USA that as a further Cuban confrontation is just too harmful to consider, each should keep away from frightening the different to the factor where a nuclear exchange is significantly regarded. The Washington-Moscow hot line is there to be certain that in any crucial circumstance reassurances will also be exchanged immediately.”

He points out that at present these controls aren't ample, that the safety of the nuclear steadiness is not foolproof. it's insecure because there are two nuclear powers that aren't governed via controls: France

and purple China are unfettered via any preparations reached between Britain, the us and Russia or within the NATO constitution.

as long as France refuses to combine its drive de frappe with the Anglo - American deterrent, Russia can on no account be sure that reassurances from Washington are legitimate. And NATO itself can not ever assure the prevention of battle while France insists that it has the appropriate to resort independently to nuclear struggle if French national pastimes are threatened.

A NATO respectable described this danger to me as being “probably the most hairwhitening nightmare of all time,” since the extra powerful the force de frappe turns into the greater fearful and trigger chuffed the Russians can also be expected to become.

France’s nuclear power is at current more talents than specific, representing about half of one p.c of all nuclear energy in existence. A French bomber pilot is suggested to have answered a NATO workforce officer’s query about its size via asserting, “As of today i'm the drive de frappe.”

but De Gaulle has mentioned many times that within ten to fifteen years France will have the nuclear power to offer protection to all Europe from any aggregate of aggressors, with out U. S. support.

“here's just one point of French coverage which we must contend with in the alliance,” talked about Ignatieff. “a different is the French conviction that NATO has lengthy outlived its usefulness (French officials have described it publicly as an “antiquated relic”) and is being perpetuated as an instrument of american domination in Europe.

“much more basic is the Gaullist rejection of multinational treaties and option for bilateral agreements between particular person states. Then there’s yet a different difference, this time between France and NATO as a firm. We see our con-

ventional forces as a visit-wire laid along our entrance. there's adequate slack to hang up a Russian advance long sufficient for an inter-Allied determination on what our response should still be. but if the pressure is so extraordinary that the tripwire breaks, then a nuclear response is instantly triggered.

“The French view is that if a Russian soldier steps over the line we should reply by way of wiping out the Soviet Union. There would be no chance for 2nd techniques.”

Exasperated and concerned through French intransigence and American obstinacy, as are all NATO officers, Ignatieff took the initiative last summer in attempting to place the NATO residence in order. After consulting with external Affairs in Ottawa, he tabled a paper before the council which consisted of two ingredients.

the primary part listed the fundamental ideas of the company upon which there appeared to be generic agreement. The second half listed all

the areas of disagreement between the Allies, and urged that these areas should comprise a priority agenda for full and frank dialogue inside the council.

He hoped that with the primary listing acting as foundation, merchandise-by-merchandise agreement on the subjects within the 2d listing, would serve because the masonry for the new NATO house. As elections have been pending in two vitally fascinated countries — France and West Germany — dialogue on the paper

What’s vital for NATO? A sparkling, dramatic sense of purpose

become postponed until the ministerial session of the council this month.

what will turn up, and what movements can be taken on it, now not even Ignatieff would care to foretell.

“at the least we're, in our own ordinary diplomatic parlance, seized of issues now spelled out pretty bluntly. That’s a start," he stated.

Fluently trilingual in Russian, English and French. Ignatieff is a Russian - born Rhodes pupil who changed into brought to Canada at the age of seven by way of his parents. count number Paul and Princess Natalie Mestchersky.

The family escaped from Moscow all through the Bolshevik revolution, and reached the Baltic coast the place they

had been picked up by way of one of a couple of warships despatched to rescue Czarist nobility, and brought to England.

Three years later, when all hope of returning to Moscow had vanished, the titles had been replaced by the household identify Ignatieff. and the family emigrated to Canada, at last settling in Toronto.

Ignatieff graduated from the institution of Toronto, labored for a long time as a railroader with CPR in British Columbia, then received his scholarship to Oxford the place he took a second MA degree. He joined external Affairs in 1940, the first foreignborn applicant to be accepted, and just about actually the primary direct descendant of one of Genghis Khan’s Tartar generals to develop into a Canadian diplomat.

He has in view that served in London, Washington and Belgrade, and has represented Canada on a number of United countries committees and really expert corporations. He has spent eighteen of the ultimate twenty-5 years in postings outside C'anada.

because of the impressive energy facing throughout the East-West front from both instructions, as a result of explosive inter-Allied variations, and because extraneous conflicts, such because the recent Cyprus issue, can deliver the Allies to the fringe of battle with every other, NATO is the hottest ambassadorial chair Ignatieff has yet occupied. Of all Canadian diplomatic jobs, this one is so sensitive that it's the least capable of being publicized or spelled out in aspect.

invariably, an ambassador is the authorized representative of one executive to another. Ignatieff negotiates with fourteen country wide governments, possesses counsel which lots of them regard as enormously secret, and is a confidant of their diplomatic representatives here in Paris.

it could possibly now not be easy to pin down exactly what he has carried out because the Canadian troubleshooter in so turbulent an alliance, however a book to his stature in the council is the undeniable fact that when the general chairmen are absent, Ignatieff is regularly chosen to preside over council meetings.

The council meets formally once a week to function as appropriate administration of what is, in impact, a multi-billiondollar protection company. Twice every year the council meets in ministerial session, attended by means of foreign secretaries and defense ministers who make a decision NATO policies.

Ignatieff believes that the latest quarrel between France and the USA (with Britain and West Germany sitting anxiously on the sidelines able to step in each time their own country wide interests are at stake) is compelling evidence that NATO wants a new cohesive in the kind of a clean and dramatic sense of goal.

He thinks NATO individuals may also discover new goal of their firm if they increase hitherto undeveloped initiatives to give financial, industrial and technological assist to underdeveloped international locations.

“For nearly twenty years we now have been concerned essentially with the protection of Western Europe. we're nevertheless worried with it. however we face northward and eastward while at the back of our backs, in Africa and Asia, the Communists are subverting newly created. vulnerable and susceptible nations.

“If we don’t give protection to our hobbies at midnight areas of starvation and poverty to the south of us, we possibility being outflanked and having, for instance, an African Communist bloc supplying forces and bases to the

persevered on page 42

Soviet Union in opposition t which we'd be defenseless.”

He means that such an event can be forestalled by spreading NATO help and impact across the free and nonaligned world as a bulwark against Russian and chinese penetration of small economically weak countries.

“youngsters, before we can try this,” he observed, "we should develop enough relationships internal the alliance between the twelve non-nuclear members and the three essential nuclear powers. Too m u c h energy and accountability is in too few arms. one of the crucial rest would like to share in handle of that vigour, in particular West Germany, which is covered by means of seven-hundred Soviet missiles.

“for those who reside under that sort of possibility, for those who comprehend that if the balloon goes up your nation might be the first to go, w'chicken you haven't any capacity of protecting your self aside from weapons you cannot use devoid of a person else’s consent, then you definitely naturally suppose a bit resentful.

“The americans proposed the multilateral nuclear fleet to fulfill the starting to be demand for a much broader unfold of nuclear authority inner the alliance. Now' that this concept seems to had been shelved, one suggested choice is a two-tier equipment of working NATO.

This plan, proposed via U.S. Secretary Of protection Robert McNamara, envisages the North Atlantic Council being supplemented through a nuclear directorate such as four or five member-states — the three nuclear powers plus West Germany and probably Canada. This directorate would be responsible for all strategic nuclear planning, for the deployment of deterrent forces, and the mixing of NATO nuclear operations and target lists with those of U.S. strategic forces.

“The tw'o-tier device is the undoubtedly solution to our current difficulties,” he observed, “since it comes pretty close to President de Gaulle’s notion some years in the past that Britain, France and the united states may still form a 3-vigor NATO directorate.”

high Allied strategy is Ignatieff’s everyday preoccupation, as are a myriad of NATO relationships with quite a few foreign companies whose work overlaps with the services of the alliance. The typical Market negotiations, the GATT trade talks, and prevalent foreign trade patterns have an effect on NATO as a result of they affect countrywide budgets. The work of the foreign Atomic power company pursuits NATO since it likes to hold tabs on who's acquiring atomic reactors for peaceful functions. with out safeguards the fissionable cloth indispensable for atomic bombs will also be drained off from any kind of reactor.

Yet his basic difficulty continues to be one among resolving the considerations which divide the Allies in order that NATO itself can boost. 4 years from now, in 1969, the primary twenty years of the North Atlantic treaty will expire. Thereafter any nation that desires to give up may be in a position to do so after giving one year’s be aware. There were no breakaways yet. hut inner stresses are increasing. ★


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